
As wars rage, as cruelty shatters lives across the planetโas nuclear Armageddon remains a viable option for all of usโI think itโs time to claim some stunning awareness in this regard. The human race is evolving in spite of itselfโevolving beyond war, beyond empire, beyond dominance and conquest, and toward an uncertain but collective future.
Indeed, I think most of us already know this, but only at a level so deep, so vague, it feels like nothing more than โhope.โ
Thereโs also another problem. Much of our world remains organized in a totally opposite way: committed, as Richard Falk puts it in his 2013 book, โ(Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance,โ to national policies โshaped by unimaginative thinking trapped within a militarist box.โ Another way to put this would be: a de facto commitment to human suicide.
As long as thereโs no serious, organized alternative to war, this is what weโre going to get, which, in the wake of Russiaโs invasion of Ukraine seems suddenly clearer than itโs been since, oh, 1962. (Remember the Cuban missile crisis?)
As long as global order, global security, is allegedly maintained with bombs and bullets and bully-swaggerโwith various nuclear-armed enemies occasionally challenging one another for the right to control particular swaths of the planetโweโre hostage to an insanity we seem to have bequeathed ourselves.
What is power? This strikes me as the key question, and untangling ourselves from the wrong answer is the beginning of the creation of real peace.
When we think of power, the word itself commands that we carve the concept into something isolated and wieldable: a sword, a gun, a scepter. Power means power over. There is no basic concept of powerโno word for power in the English languageโthat also means collaboration, collective participation: People working together, individually empowered at the same time that they are part of a larger whole.
Even when we examine the dark side of powerโas in, power corruptsโthe examination seems to hover as a warning rather than open up to larger awareness. Consider, for instance, this 2017 article in The Atlantic by Jerry Useem titled (fasten your seatbelts!) โPower Causes Brain Damage,โ which discusses a concept called โhubris syndrome.โ
The articleโs essential point is that people who gain a significant amount of power over others lose the ability to empathize withโor mime, as the article puts itโpeople in general, the lesser mortals who must follow the bossโs orders.
This inability, it turns out, is serious. It isolates the powerful into their own stereotypes and egotistical certainties, which lessens their ability to make good, or even rational, decisions.
The idea is that weโre naturally connected and subconsciously โmimicโ others: We laugh when others laugh, tense up when others grow tense.
Itโs not faking an emotion to fit in; itโs participating inโfeelingโthe collective emotion that fills the room. โIt helps trigger the same feelings those others are experiencing and provides a window into where they are coming from,โ Useem writes.
But powerful people โstop simulating the experience of others,โ leading to what is called an โempathy deficit,โ which saps the powerful of most, or maybe all, of their social skill, leaving them, even as they generate endless obeisance, socially isolated souls.
The conclusion to be drawn here is that what is commonly thought of as powerโpower over others, a.k.a., dominanceโisnโt power at all. Itโs an illusion of power that weakens, and perhaps destroys, those who hold it.
So does this hold true beyond the personal levelโat the geopolitical level? Among countries? Well, a โcountryโ is a created, collective entity, and may well be bound to the concept of us vs. them, intoxicated by the need for armed self-defense and, occasionally, armed conquest.
Richard Falk calls this โhard powerโ: dominance maintained by force and, when necessary, massacre.
Is something else possibleโe.g., โa world order premised on nonviolent geopoliticsโ? Falk calls this โsoft powerโโthe power of working together, respecting and valuing rather than fearing one another. The way I have put it over the years is power with others rather than power over them.
And Falk makes a startling observation about how the world has changed since, in essence, the end of World War II. โThroughout the colonial era, and until the mid-twentieth century, hard power was generally e๏ฌective and e๏ฌcient,โ he notes. Heavily armed European nations tramped across the rest of the planet, claiming ownership where they felt they could.
But then something changed, beginning with Indiaโs struggle for independence from Great Britain: โEvery anticolonial war in the latter half of the twentieth century,โ Falk writes, โwas eventually won by the militarily weaker side, which prevailed in the end despite su๏ฌering disproportionate losses along its way to victory.โ
Their resistance was often nonviolent, which โincluded gaining complete international control of the high moral ground.โ This is not a pretty story. The hard power didnโt let up; it simply lost.
โThe United States completely controlled land, air, and sea throughout the Vietnam war, winning every battle, and yet eventually losing the war,โ Falk writes, โkilling as many as four million Vietnamese on the road to the failure of its military intervention.โ
And despite its military dominance, despite the harm it inflicted, the U.S. has done nothing but lose wars for the last three-quarters of a century. It created hell on earth for millions of people; it just didnโt get its way.
It has also failed to learn any lessons from its losses. The United States has refused to abandon its commitment to pointless militarism, as reflected every year in its grotesquely expanding military budgets.
But change is happening nonetheless. Soft powerโpower with one another โis our futureโฆif we have any future at all.
Robert Koehler, syndicated by PeaceVoice, is a Chicago award-winning journalist and editor. He is the author of โCourage Grows Strong at the Wound.โ
